monastery – Digital Camino de Santiago

Hospitality Along the Camino

April 7, 2022January 19, 2024amelia.kennedy

Hospitality and the “Pilgrim Experience”

The entrance is open to all, infirm and healthy, / not only Catholics but also pagans, / Jews, heretics, idlers, the vain, / and, to put it briefly, both good and profane.

Porta patet omnibus, infirmis et sanis, / Non solum catholicis verum et paganis / Judeis, hereticis, ociosis, vanis, / Et, ut dicam breviter, bonis et profanis.
Carmen in Laudem Roscisvallidis, stanza 15

Occasionally quoted in modern-day pilgrims’ guides and memoirs, these famous lines from an early thirteenth-century poem in praise of the pilgrims’ hospital at Roncesvalles offer a distinctive view of hospitality: This pilgrims’ hospital is not just for devout pilgrims. All are welcome, including various groups that the poet specifies as less deserving. Hospitality, in this view, is not about the potential guest at all, but about the performance of hospitable service, seen as one of the acts of Christian charity.

Regardless, hospitable institutions and the sources they produced constitute some of our best evidence for understanding something of the medieval “pilgrim experience” along the Camino de Santiago. Medieval pilgrims faced many hazards on the Camino, from wolves in the Pyrenees to dangerous river crossings to inclement weather to robbery and assault. In response to such dangers, locals built infrastructure, such as bridges and hospitals to facilitate travel. Learning about the hospitable infrastructure along the Camino gives us a better understanding of the options available to medieval pilgrims.

The Medieval “Hospital”

While the term “hospital” derives from hospes (“guest”) and initially denoted a guesthouse for receiving travelers, the word took on a dizzying array of meanings in the Middle Ages. The hospital was one of three main welfare institutions, alongside monasteries and churches, though the three categories sometimes overlapped. A medieval “hospital” thus could be a welfare house, a place for welcoming pilgrims and travelers, a center for distributing alms, and/or an institution that provided care to the sick and poor.

Pilgrims’ hospitals could be described using a number of terms: The medieval poem in praise of the hospital at Roncesvalles used a variety of terms to describe the institution at its center: domus (“house”), hospitale (“hospital”), hospitium (“guesthouse”), and domus hospitalis (“hospitable house”). Hospitals could be big or small, vast institutions caring for hundreds or tiny lodgings for just a handful of people. Depending on the hospital’s function, it might be established in any number of places; some hospitals were near towns or churches, while others were in the middle of nowhere serving travelers and pilgrims who traversed treacherous mountain passes.

Hospitals arose, for instance, in Alpine passes serving pilgrims traveling to and from Rome. The hospitaller congregation of Great St. Bernard, occupying a site previously held by a Carolingian monastery, was named for the eleventh-century archdeacon of Aosta, Bernard of Monte Giove. Run by canons regular, this hospital community received considerable donations from across Europe, attesting to its important role in ensuring safe travel across the Alps.

A “Charitable Revolution”

Historians such as André Vauchez and Adam Davis have characterized the 12th and 13th centuries as a “charitable revolution,” a time of rapid and widespread foundation of hospitals across Europe. Caritas, or “charity,” had a long history in the ancient and medieval world, in the early Middle Ages denoting a sense of duty to assist one’s relations. From the 12th-century on, as Sally Mayall Brasher has explained, charitable impulses shifted more toward misericordia, the need to support the poor and vulnerable for the sake of a community’s overall well-being (Ch. 1).

Hospital founders came from a variety of backgrounds; they could be kings, towns, bishops, religious institutions, nobles, and so on. While some specialized in certain populations (for example, leprosaria or houses for the blind), others were more general in their service. Managing and operating the hospital could fall to a variety of people as well, such as monks or nuns, canons, or even a married couple. Given the differences among all the different hospitals–in terms of their foundations, functions, daily operations, and institutional affiliations–it is hard to settle on a single clear and specific definition of the medieval “hospital.” Yet as Sethina Watson argues, “the chaotic variety of [the hospital’s] manifestations was not a sign of its liminality but, rather, a consequence of its very significance in Christian religion and Christian society” (p. 314).

Crossing the Pyrenees: The Hospital of Roncesvalles

Santa María de Roncesvalles emerged within this diverse and “chaotic” context. It belonged to a group of three hospitals in Pyrenean mountain passes, all three of which were larger than typical hospitals, lived as communities of canons following the Rule of St. Augustine, and led to the emergence of minor hospitaller orders. Historian James Brodman has outlined the development and functions of these hospitals.

The Hospital of Santa Cristina de Somport was the earliest and likely the smallest of the three Pyrenean foundations, emerging sometime between 1100 and 1115 to support pilgrims on routes between Béarn and Saragossa. Early documents indicate the presence of a prior and only five to seven brothers, while thirteenth-century sources show that the population there had risen modestly to about a dozen. The Hospital of Aubrac emerged slightly later, between 1120 and 1122. According to legend, it was founded by a former pilgrim named Adalard who was caught in a snowstorm while headed through the Pyrenees en route to Compostela. In 1162, the Bishop of Rodez approved a rule, and the hospital received papal recognition from Alexander III.

The Hospital of Roncesvalles was founded in 1132 by Bishop Sancho of Larrosa, the bishop of Pamplona from 1124 until 1142. The poem composed in its praise, paraphrasing the foundation charter, remarks in stanzas 6 and 7 that Bishop Sancho founded his hospital “at the base of the highest mountain of the Pyrenees” with financial assistance from the king Alfonso–that is, Alfonso I “the Battler” of Navarre and Aragon (r. 1104-1134).

Over the course of its operation, the hospital at Roncesvalles acquired various dependencies, including, by the thirteenth century, nine additional hospitals in the Pyrenees, one in Toulouse, some in Normandy and northern France, one at Westminster, and a small foundation in Valencia.

Primary Sources on Digital Camino

Song in Praise of Roncesvalles (c. 1199-1215), a poem celebrating an important pilgrims’ hospital
Welcoming Pilgrims to the Santiago Cathedral (c. 1243-1250)

References & Further Reading

Brasher, Sally Mayall. Hospitals and Charity: Religious Culture and Civic Life in Medieval Northern Italy. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2017.

Brodman, James. Charity and Religion in Medieval Europe. Washington D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 2009. See Chapter 3: “To Shelter the Pilgrim: Military Orders, Hospices, and Bridges,” and esp. p. 116-118 on the Pyrenean hospitals at Aubrac, Roncesvalles, and Somport.

Brodman, James. Charity and Welfare: Hospitals and the Poor in Medieval Catalonia. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998.

Davis, Adam. The Medieval Economy of Salvation: Charity, Commerce and the Rise of the Hospital. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019.

Vauchez, André. La spiritualité du Moyen Âge occidental (VIIIe-XIIIe siècle). 2nd ed. Paris: Seuil, 1994. See esp. p. 118.

Watson, Sethina. On Hospitals: Welfare, Law, and Christianity in Western Europe, 400-1320. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020.

Ziegler, Tiffany. Medieval Healthcare and the Rise of Charitable Institutions: The History of the Municipal Hospital. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Pivot, 2018.

Santa María de Oia

December 10, 2019January 19, 2024amelia.kennedy

This monastic community is first attested in the historical record in 1137, in a privilege given by the monarch Alfonso VII. The Mosteiro de Santa María de Oia became affiliated with the Cistercian Order in 1185.

The Order itself was still relatively new at this time; the first house at Cîteaux had been founded less than a century ago in 1098, and it took time for the Cistercians to develop a unified sense of identity and effective bureaucratic mechanisms. Historian Constance Berman even argues that the Cistercians did not emerge as an organized and cohesive Order until the third quarter of the twelfth century (rather than the early twelfth century as previously assumed, and still maintained by some other scholars). Furthermore, Berman argues that “apostolic gestation” (in which new Cistercian houses are founded by a small group of monks sent out from a “mother house”) was not the primary method by which the Cistercians expanded; rather, their incorporation of preexisting monastic communities explains their rapid spread across Europe. In any case, Oia, like Sobrado, is an example of a preexisting monastery that was later incorporated into the Cistercian Order.

Location

Located on the Galician coast, Oia needed to be able to withstand pirate incursions. During the thirteenth century, the community constructed new church and monastery buildings that provided greater fortification against attacks.

An image showing the Mosteiro de Santa María de Oia's location right on the coast.

References & Further Reading

Berman, Constance. The Cistercian Evolution: The Invention of a Religious Order in Twelfth-Century Europe. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010.

Burton, Janet, and Julie Kerr. The Cistercians in the Middle Ages. Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2011.

“Historia.” Concello de Oia.

Jamroziak, Emilia. The Cistercians in Medieval Europe, 1090-1500. New York: Routledge, 2013.

Real Mosteiro de Oia: Official website.

Cistercian General Chapter Statutes

December 5, 2019January 19, 2024amelia.kennedy

Overview

The Cistercian monastic order was established in France and soon spread throughout medieval Europe. Bernard of Clairvaux (1090-1153) is the best-known Cistercian abbot, famous for propagating the Order’s particular brand of austere and mystical piety. Beginning in the 1130s, the Cistercians established a presence on the Iberian peninsula.

Abbots from across the Order met annually at Cîteaux for General Chapter meetings to discuss important matters, introduce new rules and regulations, and handle disciplinary issues. Initially, these meetings included only the abbots of Cîteaux, La Ferté, Pontigny, Morimund, and Clairvaux, but as the Cistercian Order expanded, so did General Chapter attendance. Abbots who lived near Cîteaux were expected to attend every year, while those who lived further away were obliged to attend less often (but still regularly). Like many pilgrims on the Camino, Galician abbots traveled long distances through France and northern Spain and depended on hospitality and infrastructure along their routes–abbots generally stopped in at other Cistercian monasteries to spend the night.

Cistercian Monasteries in Galicia

General Chapter meetings resulted in the production of statutes, which communicated issues that had been discussed and decisions that had been made. Many General Chapter statutes refer or are relevant to Cistercian monasteries in Galicia.

Translation: General Chapter Statutes on Galician Monasteries

1190, Statute #67/#48: “The abbot of Armenteira, who first neglected to come to Clairvaux when summoned, and then contemptuously refused to come to the General Chapter, is suspended from the office of the abbacy until he comes to Clairvaux, where he will spend six days in levi culpa [in light punishment], one of which he will fast on bread and water, and until he presents himself at the next Chapter, where he will explain his reasons for all this.”

Clairvaux, one of the oldest and most famous Cistercian houses, was the “mother house” of Armenteira, meaning that it had been responsible for founding Armenteira as a Cistercian monastery.

1191, Statute #4: “Concerning the abbots of Armenteira and La Espina, who abandoned their abbeys without the consent of the Father Abbot, and do not want to return to his command and will: This case is committed to the abbot of Clairvaux, who should visit those regions, and he should correct and castigate as he sees expedient, with the help and counsel of his fellow abbots.”

Armenteira is in Galicia, while La Espina is in Castile and León. The “Father Abbot” refers to the abbot of the mother house, in this case, Clairvaux.

1191, Statute #11: “Concerning the monk of Xunqueira [Junqueira], who is said to have his own horses and various other items: this is committed to the abbots of Escaledieu and Boulbonne. By the authority of the Chapter, they should correct and castigate as they see expedient once they have diligently investigated the truth of the matter. And the money which he offered to his own abbot should be returned to its rightful owner. If it turns out that he acquired this money by evil means, then he should receive the penalty for property ownership and theft.”

Cistercian monks were forbidden from owning personal property (and of course from stealing); this monk of Junqueira has exhibited egregious behavior.

1196, Statute #27: “Because of his inhumane treatment of a Spanish abbot, who spent the night outside the entrance of his monastery, the abbot of Bourras should spend three days in levi culpa, one of which fasting on bread and water, and forty days suspended from his office.”

Abbots from Galicia had a long way to travel before arriving at Cîteaux. They relied on the hospitality of Cistercian monasteries along the way, such as Bourras Abbey, which would have been on the route commonly taken by abbots from Spain. Here, the abbot of Bourras in France is disciplined for his extremely poor treatment of an unnamed Spanish abbot.

1197, Statute #19: “The abbot of Aubepierres [in the Limoges diocese, France], who provided less-than-charitable hospitality for abbots traveling to the Chapter, should spend three days in levi culpa, one of which fasting on bread and water.”

Aubepierres Abbey also lay along the route often taken by abbots from western Spain. This statute chastises the abbot of Aubepierres for insufficient hospitality.

1207, Statute #31: “The petition of the abbot of Sobrado to transfer the abbey of Val de Dios to a better location will be heeded.”

1208, Statute #17: “The abbot of Xunqueira, who did not come to the Chapter last year, and who was ordered to attend this year but refused, shall observe the penalty prescribed for this; if he does not present himself at Cîteaux by Easter, then he should understand that he is deposed. The abbot of Melón should give him notice of this.”

1213, Statute #41: “Concerning the abbot of Oia, who has become ill and remained behind on the way [to the General Chapter meeting], and is said to be weighed down by old age: This case is committed to the abbot of Clairvaux.”

1257, Statute #40: “The abbot of Sobrado, who did not express sufficient cause for his delay away from the General Chapter, should be suspended from office for six days and nevertheless should present himself at the next General Chapter.”

References

We have translated from Waddell’s edition for the twelfth-century statutes and from Canivez’s editions for later statutes. In some cases, two numbers are given for a statute (e.g. “Statute #67/#48”); the first reflects how the statute is numbered in Canivez, the second how it is numbered in Waddell.

Canivez, Joseph-Marie, ed. Statuta Capitulorum Generalium Ordinis Cisterciensis, 8 vols. Louvain: Bureaux de la Revue, 1933-41. Edition in Latin of Cistercian statutes from 1116 until 1786.

Waddell, Chrysogonus, ed. Twelfth-Century Statutes from the Cistercian General Chapter. Cîteaux: commentarii cistercienses, 2002. Updated Latin edition of twelfth-century statutes with useful English commentary.

Secondary Works

D’Emilio, James. “The Cistercians and the Romanesque Churches of Galicia: Compostela or Clairvaux?” In Perspectives for an Architecture of Solitude: Essays on Cistercians, Art and Architecture in Honour of Peter Fergusson. Edited by Terryl Kinder. Turnhout: Brepols and Cîteaux, 2004. 313-327.

Santa María de Sobrado

November 21, 2019January 19, 2024amelia.kennedy

Sobrado Abbey (known in Galician as “Mosteiro de Santa María de Sobrado dos Monxes” and in Castilian as “Monasterio de Santa María de Sobrado de los Monjes”) was initially founded in the tenth century by Count Hermengildo and his wife Paterna. It became affiliated with the Cistercian Order as a daughter house of Clairvaux in 1142, making it one of the Order’s earlier houses on the Iberian peninsula.

Location

Background on the Cistercians

According to the traditional foundation narrative, Cistercian monasticism dates to 1098, arising from a conscious effort to reform monastic life and return to a “purer” adherence to the sixth-century Benedictine Rule. The Cistercians are known for eschewing the luxuries that had become common in eleventh-century monasteries and for their austere artistic and architectural style, which lacked elaborate ornamentation. As the foundation narrative goes, in 1098, Robert, abbot of Molesme, and a group of followers abandoned their abbey to start a new community that was more isolated and more obedient to the Rule. They founded this new community at Cîteaux, though they struggled during their early years. Bernard (1090-1153) joined the monastery with a group of friends in 1112, and his activity a prolific writer, preacher, and abbot of the newly founded Cistercian house Clairvaux appears to have rejuvenated the Order, spurring its expansion over the subsequent decades.

In addition to simplicity and austerity, the Cistercians valued manual labor such as work in the fields. As the Benedictine Rule instructed: “Idleness is the enemy of the soul. The brethren, therefore, must be occupied at stated hours in manual labor.” Monks, however, did not do all the work necessary for running the monastery themselves; Cistercians are well-known for their acceptance of lay brothers (conversi), often drawn from lower social classes than the monks, who performed necessary physical labor for the survival and success of the monastic community.

Over the course of the twelfth century, the Cistercian Order expanded significantly from its original house at Cîteaux, establishing monasteries in Scandinavia, the British Isles, Eastern Europe, and Iberia. Some new houses were established from scratch by existing “mother” houses, which sent monks to the new “daughter” houses and also equipped them with necessary manuscripts. Others, including Sobrado and Oia in Galicia, were already established monastic communities that were then incorporated into the Cistercian Order (though they were still integrated into the Cistercian filiation network; Clairvaux became the mother house of Sobrado). Abbots of mother houses were required to visit their daughter houses to ensure that they were following correct Cistercian practices.

The Cistercian General Chapter was the highest authority in the Order; every September, abbots convened at Cîteaux for General Chapter meetings to discuss problems, petitions, and new rules and regulations. Abbots from nearby foundations were required to attend annually, while those coming from faraway were obliged to attend less often. Thanks to Cistercian filiation networks and General Chapter meetings, the Order generally upheld an impressive level of standardization and organization across a broad geographical area.

No system is perfect–the Cistercian General Chapter often rebuked abbots who failed to attend Chapter meetings and in 1257 chastised the abbot of Sobrado, “who did not express sufficient cause for his delay away from the General Chapter.” The abbot was suspended from office for six days and instructed to attend the next Chapter meeting.¹

Image of the interior of the chapter house, showing columns and vaulted ceiling. — The chapter house.

Santa María de Sobrado

Several rooms survive from the Middle Ages, including the late twelfth- or thirteenth-century chapter house, the twelfth-century chapel of St. John the Baptist, and the thirteenth-century kitchen.

Located next to the refectory, the kitchen was in use from its construction in the thirteenth century until the desamortización in the nineteenth (also known as the “Spanish confiscation,” desamortización denotes the seizure of Church assets by the Spanish government). In the center of the kitchen, four large columns surround and support the chimney.

Image inside the 13th-century kitchen at Santa María de Sobrado, including a large chimney. — The 13th-century kitchen.

¹ Canivez, Statuta, vol. 2, Year 1257, #40, 432.

References & Further Reading

Primary Sources

Canivez, Joseph-Marie, ed. Statuta Capitulorum Generalium Ordinis Cisterciensis, 8 vols. Louvain: Bureaux de la Revue, 1933-41.

Secondary Works

Burton, Janet, and Julie Kerr. The Cistercians in the Middle Ages. Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2011.

“Cistercian Life.” The Cistercians in Yorkshire. Project directed by Sarah Foot.

D’Emilio, James, ed. and trans. Culture and Society in Medieval Galicia: A Cultural Crossroads at the Edge of Europe. Leiden: Brill, 2015.

Jamroziak, Emilia. The Cistercians in Medieval Europe, 1090-1500. New York: Routledge, 2013.

Ordóñez, Santiago. Sobrado dos Monxes: Primer monasterio cisterciense de España. León: Edilesa, 1998.