Santiago de Compostela – Digital Camino de Santiago

Welcoming Pilgrims to the Santiago Cathedral (c. 1243-1250)

April 26, 2023January 19, 2024amelia.kennedy

We would like to thank Sebastian Rider-Bezerra for his suggestions on the linguistic aspects and translation of this text.

Upon arrival at the Cathedral of Santiago, pilgrims today participate in rich traditions that shape their experience of at last reaching their destination: They may attend a pilgrims’ mass, descend into the crypt to view the relics of St. James, watch the enormous botafumeiro swing, marvel at the Pórtico de la Gloria, and, of course, greet their host: One of the most beloved Camino traditions involves climbing the stairs embedded within the ornate altar to hug a statue of St. James from behind.

Thanks to some intriguing medieval documents (as well as painstaking scholarship by José Pensado, Francisco Javier Pérez Rodríguez, and Pär Larson, among others), we can get a sense of what pilgrims experienced when they entered the cathedral centuries ago. The 13th-century document translated below, held in the Cathedral Archive in Libro 2 de Constituciones (f. 64-65), is an excellent example. It outlines the important features within the cathedral and contains instructions for those working there to welcome and guide pilgrims in their path through the cathedral interior. The multilingualism of this text is especially striking: It proposes various “scripts” that can be addressed to pilgrims in different languages, including forms of Occitan and Italian. Above all, practicality pervades the text, and these multilingual lines seem to reflect the kinds of pragmatic communication that arose from a diverse context of locals and pilgrims.

Background on Pilgrims’ Experiences in 13th-Century Santiago

The Altar of St. James was the principal attraction of the cathedral, and it received the richest portion of visitors’ offerings. These offerings were then shared out to various beneficiaries, including the archbishop and the cathedral chapter. Such a collection of offerings was known as an arca, a word that can refer both to the physical donation box and to the fund more generally.

Next in importance after the Altar itself was the Arca de la Obra, which likewise took in a variety of offerings, in this case earmarked for the cathedral fabric: Within this context, the word “fabric” refers to the physical materials and upkeep of the cathedral. The donations made to the Arca de la Obra thus supported the stone masons, as well as other groups with a stake in the fabric of the church. It’s hard for us know exactly how funding for the cathedral’s maintenance worked in practice, given a lack of relevant documentation; we are thus left to speculate about precisely how the alms given to the Arca de la Obra were divided, as well as how stone masons and artisans were contracted and by whom.

Apart from these two main arcas within the cathedral, others existed of lesser importance. In the 13th century, these included: the chain, crown (corona), and treasury (thesaurus), as well as others whose precise significance is not immediately apparent (guardarie, madanela, carta). It’s clear that numerous places and objects existed within the cathedral where pilgrims could dedicate their offerings, each connected to some aspect of St. James’ life, though for some objects, the link to St. James is clearer than for others. The crown is particularly associated with German pilgrims, who participated in a special coronation ceremony; one striking sculptural depiction of such a ceremony once decorated the Nordstetter Kapelle, an important German waypoint along the Camino (today, the sculpture can be found at the Villinger Münster in southwestern Germany).

We know a considerable amount of detail about the cathedral customs that guided pilgrims’ visits thanks to the quarrels that erupted during the 13th and 14th centuries between the Altar of St. James and the Arca de la Obra. In 1228, Archbishop Bernard threatened to excommunicate anyone who confused or misled pilgrims while they were trying to leave offerings in the various chapels of the cathedral. Issues arose over the question of donations: If the arqueyrus of the Obra (guardian of the Arca de la Obra) wanted to secure a larger portion of the pilgrims’ offerings, then he might take advantage of the fact that the names of the two arcas were very similar: the fund for the Altar was the arca beati Jacobi, while that for the Obra was the arca operis beati Jacobi. An unscrupulous arqueyrus merely had to mumble the word operis or omit it entirely. In addition, the Arca de la Obra enjoyed a convenient position within the cathedral, attracting the attention of pilgrims soon after they entered.

The rivalry between the Altar of St. James and the Arca de la Obra led the Archbishop Juan Arias to entrust the cantor Juan Peláez, the cardinal Lorenzo Domínguez, and Juan Fernández Rapati with conducting an investigation. The document translated below is the result of this investigation. Though undated, the document is believed to date to the period between 1243-1250, based on the people involved in carrying it out.

Translation of the Text

How the guardians of the Altar of St. James should behave toward the guardians of the Obra of St. James, as well as the other honors of the church of St. James. These are the customs which the guardians of the Arca de la Obra of St. James ought to observe, along with the guardians of the Altar of St. James.

First, as soon as the bell has been rung at the Altar of St. James for morning mass, the arqueyrus (that is, the guardian of the Arca) and a cleric ought to stand there at the Arca de la Obra with their rods in hand for calling pilgrims to the Arca and for delivering [blows] to the backs and limbs of the pilgrims as penitence. But neither in the grilles of the doors, nor at the doors of the Altar of St. James, nor anywhere else, should they use the rods in a way that causes [noise] or tumult. And the cleric ought to wear his surplice and stand over the Arca, and he who speaks the indulgence or pardon ought first to identify the Arca before any other honor of the church.

And after it has been called out, the arqueyrus ought at once to say to the French, “Here is the Arca de la Obra of my lord St. James. Here is the work of the church [Ze e l’archa de l’obra mon sennor San Iame. Ze e l’obra de la egresa].”¹

And he ought to say to Lombards and Tuscans, “O Master Lombard, here is the Arca de la Obra of my lord St. James. This goes to the work of the church [O miçer lombardo, quest’e l’archa de la lauoree de micer Saiacomo. Questo uay a la gage fayr].”²

And to campisinis, he should say, “And you [and] [those from Tierra de Campos] and the frontier,³ come here to the Arca de la Obra of the lord St. James. The offerings which you bring from the living and the dead for the work of the lord St. James, put them here, and not in any other place [Et uos et del estremo aca ueinde a la archa de la obra de sennor Santiago. Las comendas que trahedes de mortos et de uiuos para la obra de sennor Santiago, aca las echade et non en outra parte].”⁴

And he ought to say each one of these phrases once in the morning, at the time the pardon is given and not before. And then, he and the other people from the church should stand there quietly until the indulgence is said. And once the pardon has been said, he ought to call all the pilgrims to the Arca in each language. And he should say, “{?}⁵ This is the Arca of St. James; this is the Arca de la Obra [{ƀtom} A acron Sangyama, a acron de labro].”⁶

And then, after Matins are finished, when the group of pilgrims advances toward the Altar of St. James, the arqueyrus (or his man whom he has there) should call them to the Arca. And if he realizes that a pilgrim wishes to leave an offering there at the Altar of St. James, then he should speak to them and point out the Altar of St. James and say that this is [instead] the Arca de la Obra. And so, the pilgrims should be guided there [to the Altar], namely so that they first make offerings at the Altar of St. James, and then the chain, and then the Arca de la Obra, and then the other honors.

And if the crown of St. James has been brought to the Altar of St. James, the Germans ought first to make an offering there to the aforesaid crown, and then to the cross, which is brought before that crown, and then to the chain, and then to the Arca de la Obra. But if the Germans are brought to the crown and then to the treasury, when they are refreshed from the treasury, they first ought to make an offering to the Arca de la Obra prior to the Altar.

Likewise, if a pilgrim tells the treasurers that he is bringing an offering, the treasurers ought to ask him if he is bringing it to St. James or to the Arca de la Obra of St. James. And if he says that he is bringing it to St. James, they should tell him to put it on the Altar. And if he says that he is bringing it for the Arca or for the work, they should send him with it to the Arca de la Obra or lead him to the Arca.

Likewise, if a pilgrim says that he brings an offering, then the arqueyrus and cleric (or those who stand there with them or in their place) ought to ask if he is bringing the offering itself to St. James or to the Arca de la Obra. And if he says he is bringing it to the Arca de la Obra of St. James, they should say that they will bring it there.

But when the door of the Altar of St. James is closed, or the treasurers have gone from there, then the cleric who stands at the Arca ought to take off his surplice and go there with the arqueyrus and sit on the steps without his rod and guard the linens, wax, and other things; but the man of the arqueyrus should remain there. And they should not call pilgrims. But if a pilgrim asks after the Arca de la Obra or the Altar of St. James, the man ought to show him and he ought to do this well and faithfully.

After eating, when the treasurers come to the Altar of St. James, the arqueyrus and cleric should presently go to the Arca de la Obra, and the cleric should put on his surplice and stand there over the Arca with his rod, and the arqueyrus with his rod, and however the pilgrims come to the Altar of St. James, the arqueyrus and the cleric (or his man) ought to call out “Arca de la Obra of St. James” and not “Arca of St. James” – but rather the “Arca de la Obra of St. James.” And from there, they should lead the pilgrims through the honors according to how it is said above.

And at the conclusion of Vespers, the arqueyrus and the cleric should place any pilgrim, if there are any, under the guard of the Arca. Once a guard has been placed on the altar, he should say to anyone asking that this is the Arca de la Obra of St. James and tell them, if they ask, where they should put offerings to the Arca de la Obra of St. James. But he should not call pilgrims there. And the man of the arqueyrus should remain there, who guards the iron and linen and wax and other things. But he should not call any pilgrim. And the arqueyrus should not receive the image of a man, horse, or any other form; nor incense; nor any bread. Likewise, at the Altar of St. James and at the other honors of the church, they should not accept iron rods or iron crosses, nor lead or iron candlesticks. But they ought to accept at the Altar of St. James a good sword, a good knife, or a good bell. If any of the former things are offered, the Arca de la Obra should have them. Also, the arqueyrus should not accept unrefined beeswax, but he should have all the candles which are offered there, unless it is the great candle of clamor.⁷ And the treasurers should not show the collection box to the pilgrims who make offerings there.

Likewise, they ought to give something from the altar of St. James to the arqueyrus and the cleric and render service to them. And the arqueyrus and the cleric (or his man) should not say to the pilgrims that they should put what remains of the wax and hirloure (which is called expedimentum in Latin)⁸ at the Arca de la Obra of St. James. But they should tell them that they should put candles before the figure of St. James.

I, Juan Peláez, sworn public notary of Compostela, wrote this at the mandate of Juan Peláez, Cantor, and Lorenzo Domínguez, Cardinal of Compostela, and Juan Fernández, called “Rapati,” who investigated this matter at the mandate of the Lord Archbishop.

Notes

¹ Francigenis: These lines are directed “to the French,” meaning more broadly those from the territory of France. José Pensado (1960) identifies the phrasing here as belonging to the language of southern France (langue d’oc) rather than northern France (langue d’oïl): see Pensado, p. 330.This linguistic community also implicates the Crown of England, since Occitan would answer for Gascony, Henry III’s nearest territory. The rhotacism (egresa for eglesa (< ecclesia)) is surprising, but perhaps not unthinkable in a Galician-Portuguese context (modern Portuguese has praia for Spanish playa, etc.). If so, it is quite telling, because it is very rare in an Occitan context.

² Lombardis et tozcanis: “…to the Lombards and the Tuscans”: that is, to northern and central Italians more generally; see Pär Larson (2020), p. 334, n. 11 on the use of these terms to designate larger swaths of north/central Italy. Pensado identifies the lines that follow as combining Tuscan with other north Italian (Lombard, Genoese) elements. He notes that this script begins with a formula of invocation (O miçer lombardo…), which he views as an especially courteous opening; Larson argues instead that Spanish-speakers commonly used miçer at this time to address or indicate Italians. The final line of this section (Questo uay a la gage fayr) offers some complications. Larson suggests interpreting it as inflected with French ([questo] va à les gages faire) and thus meaning: “What you leave here goes to pay wages.” See Larson, p. 335. Pensado observes the Latin-influenced word order of the sentence, with the verb fayr at the end, rather than Questo vay a fayr la gage, which would be more typical; see Pensado, p. 338.

³ Campisinis: These lines are directed “to the campisini” (campisinis), though it is difficult to identify the precise group of people to whom this refers. The Castilian word campesinos would typically denote peasant farmers, and so the campisini here may refer to peasants from the surrounding areas or from across Iberia who spoke a variety of local dialects. Another possibility is that it refers to those from Tierra de Campos (see, e.g., Larson, p. 335). Some editions of this text (e.g., López Ferreiro) open the quotation that follows with E uos de Campos et del Estremo acá, but de Campos does not appear in the manuscript. Overall, we find it likely that this line may be a reference to Tierra de Campos, but that it is not strictly intended to be understood in that sense. Just as the reference to lombardi et tozcani covers the northern Italians more generally (remembering that there are also the Liguri, Veneti, etc.), and el estremo covers the Iberian frontiers to the south, campisinis is likely intended to mean simply “to the Iberians.”

⁴ Et uos et del estremo: As both Larson and Pensado note, the language used in this passage combines Galician and Castilian elements; Pensado ultimately concludes that these lines represent a lingua franca, “a mixed language, without linguistic reality, born from the necessity that contact among Spanish people from different regions and languages demanded for ease of mutual comprehension.” (“Nos vemos obligados a explicar el pasaje como una lengua mixta, sin realidad lingüística, nacida de la necesidad que el contacto entre gentes hispánicas de diversas regiones y lenguas exigía para una más fácil comprensión.”): see Pensado, p. 339-40.

⁵ƀtom: Scholars have disagreed on how to read this line. One difficulty arises from a word in the manuscript beginning with ƀto and ending with either om or oni. Pensado’s transcription reads Et debet dicere bretoni: «A acron Sangyama, a acron de labro» (“And he should say to the Breton: «…»”). In this case, the language of the quotation would be Breton, a Celtic language spoken in northwestern France. However, this reading is implausible, and the language here does not appear to be Breton. Others read the word as bentom, bertom, or similar and see it instead as the first word of the recommended script spoken to the pilgrim. This second interpretation seems to us more plausible. Larson transcribes this section as follows: et debet dicere: ƀtom aatrō sangyama aatrō d’labro.

⁶ A acron Sangyama: Larson offers speculative readings of the line to be spoken to the pilgrims and in particular suggests swapping the vowel order of aatrō. The line thus becomes: ƀtom a ōtra [or otrā?] san gyama a ōtra [or otrā?] del obra, which he translates (leaving out ƀtom) as: “l’una è per san Jacopo, l’altra è dell’Opera” (“One is for St. James, the other for the Obra”). On this issue, we suggest following Pensado’s reading of the word as acron (arca) since this involves fewer changes to the sentence as it appears in the manuscript. We have thus settled – for now – on the translation above: “This is the Arca of St. James; this is the Arca de la Obra.”

⁷ The candela magna de clamore (“great candle of clamor”) was a big candle offered to the Apostle to request his help obtaining some special wish or goal. See Pensado, p. 330.

⁸It is unclear what hirloure/expedimentum means, and decades of scholarship has been (to our knowledge) unable to decipher it. One early modern Latin dictionary defines expedimentum as fustian, a type of fabric: See Riders Dictionarie, Corrected and Augmented (London 1606), Link to Google Books. More convincingly, for expedimentum Du Cange gives impedimentum, sarcinae, with the meaning of “equipment, baggage”; he supplies as evidence a letter of St. Thomas Becket: “He says that he does not have [the letters] to hand, due to the fact that he had sent them with his baggage (cum suo expedimento) to Winchester.” In the context of the Liber de Constituciones, this could be all the other offerings and gifts which have been brought by pilgrims. Wax (cera) is a fairly standard gift, but there are other votive offerings (a number listed in the text itself) which should be accounted for in the rules of the cathedral. Thus, the proposal of expedimentum as a simple variant of impedimentum, perhaps arising conceptually from a confusion between those things which impede your movement (impedimenta) and those things which are carried along (expedimenta). Unfortunately, hours upon hours of searching have been insufficient to locate any piece of Galician, Castilian, or French vocabulary which is plausibly connected phonetically to hirloure and definitionally to expedimentum. That does not mean that it cannot still be found, nor that this definition does not serve, at least for the moment. [See: http://ducange.enc.sorbonne.fr/EXPEDIMENTUM].

REFERENCES

For the information in our introduction, see especially: Pérez Rodríguez, Francisco Javier. La Iglesia de Santiago de Compostela en la Edad Media: El Cabildo Catedralicio (1110-1400). Santiago: Xunta de Galicia, 1996. Pages 149-51.

For the primary source text itself: The manuscript containing this document is Libro 2 de Constituciones, held in the cathedral archives of Santiago de Compostela. An image of the manuscript, as well as a transcription and linguistic analysis, can be viewed in an article by José L. Pensado: “Aspectos lingüísticos de la Compostela medieval.” Vox Romanica 19 (1960): 319-40. Link to PDF.

The document is also included in López Ferreiro, Antonio. Historia de la Santa A.M. Iglesia de Santiago de Compostela. Vol. 5. Appendix #25, pages 64-67; and in a volume by Luis Vázquez de Parga, José M.^A Lacarra, and Juan Uría Ríu: Las Peregrinaciones a Santiago de Compostela. Vol. III. Madrid, 1949. Pages 113-14.

On the coronation ritual for German pilgrims, see:

Plötz, Robert. “Santiago ‘coronatio peregrinorum.'” In Santiago, Camino de Europa: Culto y Cultura en la Peregrinación a Compostela. Edited by Serafín Moralejo and Fernando López Alsina. Santiago: Monasterio de San Martín Pinario, 1993), p. 344.

On the linguistic elements of the text, see:

Larson, Pär. “Per totam linguaginem. [‘In every language’].” Verba 47 (2020): 329-40. Link to DOI.

Monteagudo, Henrique. “O Camiño, as linguas e a emerxencia do galego.” Grial 42 (2004): 52-61. Link to JSTOR.

Pensado, José L. “Aspectos lingüísticos de la Compostela medieval.” Vox Romanica 19 (1960): 319-40. Link to PDF.

Documents on the Sale of Shells to Pilgrims

July 3, 2020May 8, 2022amelia.kennedy

About the Texts

The first document [Text #1] records an agreement forged in 1200 between Pedro Suárez de Deza, the Archbishop of Santiago de Compostela, and the townspeople who held licenses to sell scallop shells to pilgrims. It is most likely that the shells discussed here are not natural shells, but rather shell-shaped badges made of lead, tin, or other materials. The text comes down to us in Tumbo C, compiled during the 1320s under the episcopacy of Berengar of Landorra.

The scallop shell is a well-known symbol of the Camino de Santiago, dating back at least to the 12th century. Shells are mentioned in various medieval texts, including the Liber Sancti Jacobi. Pilgrims might buy a shell as a souvenir, and some seem to have believed in their miraculous powers of healing and defense.

The second document translated here [Text #2] represents a sequel of sorts to the first document. Dating to 1230 and promulgated by the Archbishop Bernardo II, it again delineates rules and guidelines for shell vendors, outlining the fees they owed to the Church and discussing how ownership of a license to sell shells could be lawfully transferred. This text is also included in Tumbo C.

What do these documents tell us about the relationships among the archbishop of Santiago, the townspeople, and the flow of pilgrims? What can we learn about the economy of pilgrimage?

Translation: Text #1

Pedro, by the esteem of God Archbishop of the Holy Church of Compostela, sends greetings in the Lord to my beloved sons in Christ, namely to the citizens who hold the right to sell shells.

I want it to be known that it pleases me and that I have decreed that there should be no more than 100 licenses to sell shells, and that no more than this number should be added, neither by me nor by you. And let me have 25 out of those 100 licenses, in addition to three others which I had there previously. Out of these 28 licenses, let me do as I wish. But you may have 62 licenses, and you should give me as tribute each year one morabetino for each license from the pilgrimage season between Easter and Pentecost, and half a morabetino for the autumnal pilgrimage season from the feast of St. Michael until the feast of St. Martin. For this rent, you may hold them from me for 30 years.

If, however, within this time you wish to raise a question or make a case against me regarding these rights, it should not be an annoyance to me, but the matter should be treated amicably by both parties without scandal and violence or undue contention, and it should be adjudicated by suitable judges who are agreeable to both parties. If, by chance, you win the suit, I shall not require the aforesaid income from your licenses until those 30 years are complete. But if I win against you in this case, nevertheless I will not demand anything from you for those 30 years beyond the morabetino and a half for each license, just as I have said. However, after the end of the aforesaid period of time, I will do with each shell license what I please, without any contradiction from you.

If one of you or your heirs wishes to give up the license(s) which you have within this time frame, I will receive the license(s), thereafter doing with them what I please, and I will not require from you or your heirs anything beyond the aforementioned payment.

Also, it is provided that this period of 30 years should be able to generate no prejudice by reason of time for either party.

Moreover, it is decreed that if within this 30-year span you or your heirs do not raise a question regarding the licenses with me or my successors, so that the case is decided by a legal judgment, afterwards it will not be permitted to you or your heirs, or to me or my successors, to press a legal claim regarding this in any way whatsoever. But I or my successors have free power over all of the shell licenses, apart from any complaint that might be brought to me.

Also, you are held by oath that you should faithfully exercise the ministry of the shells in a manner useful to me and my Church by serving pilgrims honestly. And if there is anything to be corrected or emended, it will be up to the discretion of my procurators to whom I have committed this ministry. It should be emended competently and efficiently according to the conventions and agreements which you have placed with my vicar. And all these things, just as they have been determined above, should be observed faithfully between myself or my successors and you and your successors without change. And if either party tries to act contrary to this, with reckless abandon, that party should pay 3000 morabetinos to the other party. Nevertheless, this writing should stand by its own strength.

Done in Compostela, 12th Kalends of March.

In era 1238 [= 1200 CE].

I, Pedro, Archbishop of Compostela, confirm.
I, Martin, the Dean, confirm.
I, Adam, Archdeacon of Compostela, confirm.
Don Raymond, at that time Justice of Compostela, confirms.
Miguel Díaz, at that time Majordomo of Compostela, confirms.
Pedro Fernández confirms.
Don Viviano Bernadez confirms.
Don Gayo confirms.
Juan Gascón confirms.
Pedro Martínez de Civitate confirms.
Don Martín Pérez de Campo confirms.
I, Lope Arias, notary of Compostela [drew up this document].

Translation: Text #2

Since life is brief and memory is fragile, and the deeds of past or present are not allowed to be perpetuated, thus deeds are committed to the life of letters, so that they live in a certain way an eternal life. Therefore, let it be known both to the present parties, as well as to posterity, that these agreements and statutes made between Bernardo, Archbishop of the Church of Compostela on one side, and the citizens of Compostela who have licenses to sell shells on the other, are to be observed without violation in perpetuity.

There should not be more than 100 licenses to sell shells, of which the archbishop has 28 licenses, and he may do with them as he wishes. But the citizens have 62 licenses from which they must give the archbishop as rent, in recognition of his lordship, each year from each license 14 and a half solidi in the money current at that time in the city of Compostela. And ten solidi should be paid from the pilgrimage between Easter and Pentecost, and the other four solidi and a half should be paid from the pilgrimage between the feast of St. Michael and the feast of St. Martin. But the aforesaid citizens have and hold the aforesaid 62 licenses from the hand and grant of the archbishop of Compostela.

Nevertheless, by law, they have the right to hand them down to their heirs in perpetuity, or to give them away or sell them. However, it is not permitted to the aforesaid citizens or their successors in perpetuity that they–regardless of the title or manner in which they obtained them–sell or give any of the 62 licenses to any cleric except those of the Church of Compostela. And if they wish to give alms from any of the licenses, in part or in whole, or provide for an anniversary [i.e. pay for mass to be said on the anniversary of a person’s death], they or their successors may only do so in the Church of Compostela. But the sale or donation which is not for alms can be made within the Church of Compostela so long as in no way or manner any of these licenses or any right in them is transferred to any cleric except the Church of Compostela.

And if anyone causes a transference of ownership to be done against this comprehensive statute, then this transference is ipso iure and ipso facto null. And if, by chance…[The edited text leaves off here; this is possibly meant as a reference to the sentence beginning “If, by chance” in Text #1 above.]

And if anyone acts against this statute, he should pay 1000 morabetinos, with this statute nevertheless remaining valid. The document was made 8th Kalends of February in the archbishop’s palace, era 1268 [= 1230 CE]. Those present were the following:

I, Bernardo, by the mercy of God Archbishop of Compostela, confirm.
I, Juan, Dean of Compostela, confirm.
I, B., cantor of Compostela, confirm.
I, Juan Raimundez, Archdeacon of Compostela, confirm.
I, Martín Pérez, Canon and Cardinal-Elect, confirm.
I, Juan Cresconio, Archdeacon of Nendos, confirm.
I, Sancho Pérez, Judge of Compostela, confirm.
I, Domingo Díaz, Cardinal, confirm.
Martín Pérez of Tudela and Pelayo García, Justices.
Juan Martínez Xarpa.
Julian Yañez.
Abril Sebastianez.
Fernando Pectavinus.
Pedro Martínez de Campo.
Guillermo Yañez.
Juan Díaz de Moneta Nona.
Juan Fernandez Rapatus.
Arias Pérez Pauquitinus.
Fernando Pelaez de Arenis.
Pedro Raimundez.
Bernaldo Romanez, godfather of Martín.
Juan Pérez Curutana.
Domingo Martínez.
Pelayo de Valouta.
Juan de Saon.
Pedro Arias the Shell-Vendor.
I, Martín Yañez, sworn notary of the Council of Compostela, wrote this document.

References

López Ferreiro, Antonio. Historia de la Santa A.M. Iglesia de Santiago de Compostela. Vol. 5. Santiago: Imp. y Enc. del Seminario Conciliar Central, 1902. Appendix: Documents #5 and #17.

Diego Gelmírez (c. 1065-1140)

February 2, 2020January 19, 2024amelia.kennedy

Diego Gelmírez was the first archbishop of Santiago de Compostela and played a major role in the development of the town during the twelfth century.

Timeline

c. 1065: Birth of Gelmírez.

1094-1095: Accompanied Raymond of Burgundy, the ruler of Galicia, on his campaign against Lisbon.

21 April 1101: Consecrated Bishop of Santiago.

1102: Brought the bodies of Saints Susana and Fructuoso from Braga to Santiago.

1113 and 1133: Issued decrees for the protection of the Galician coast from Almoravid pirates.

1120: Became Archbishop of Santiago.

1121: Briefly imprisoned by Queen Urraca.

Late 1139 or early 1140: Death of Gelmírez.

Biography

Gelmírez was probably born in the mid-1060s. His father was a nobleman who managed church lands. In 1069, when Gelmírez was probably still a child, noble relatives killed the then bishop of Santiago de Compostela. Much later, King Alfonso VI deposed Bishop Diego Peláez. The precise role of Gelmírez’s father in these affairs is not known, but these events likely affected Gelmírez. According to the Historia Compostelana, Gelmírez avoided staying in palaces in Iria built by Bishop Peláez because they brought to mind Peláez’s bad fortune.

Gelmírez received his education at a cathedral school. By 1093, he was a church official in Santiago and also an official in the court of Raymond of Burgundy, the ruler of Galicia. In the following two years, he accompanied Raymond on a military expedition against Muslim-ruled Lisbon.

In 1095, Pope Urban II issued a bull transferring the seat of the diocese from Iria to Santiago, under the leadership of the bishop Dalmatius. After Dalmatius’ death later that year, there was a delay in naming a new bishop. Gelmírez was finally consecrated as bishop on 21 April 1101. He then traveled to Toledo to see King Alfonso, and to Braga, apparently with the intention of visiting churches that were part of his diocese. He did more than visit, as he brought a large number of relics from Braga back to Santiago as booty. His return to Santiago was rapid: Among the relics were the remains of Saints Susana and Fructuoso, which the inhabitants of Braga believed had been robbed.

Pope Calixtus II raised Gelmírez and his see to archiepiscopal rank in 1120.

As bishop and archbishop, Gelmírez played a major role in public affairs. Within the diocese, he dictated rules, collected taxes, administered justice, and led the army. To defend the coast against Almoravid pirates, he armed ships piloted by experts brought from Arles, Genoa, and Pisa. He insistently requested and finally obtained the privilege of minting coins.

Gelmírez’s activities were not without opposition. Rebellions broke out in Santiago in 1116 and 1136. At one point, Queen Urraca imprisoned Gelmírez, though according to one source, Gelmírez had enough support that he was only in prison for days. When the queen died, Gelmírez went to meet Alfonso VII, the new king. Relations with Alfonso, however, were cold and tense. Gelmírez saw himself obliged to provide the king with significant amounts of money. Maintaining–and expanding–the privileges of the diocese required sacrifice.

We know little more about Gelmírez’s death than about his birth. In 1139, he was invited to attend the Second Lateran Council and confirmed diplomas until June of that year. By a year later–in June of 1140–a new archbishop had been elected.

References & Further Reading

Primary Sources

Falque, Emma, ed. and trans. Historia Compostelana. Madrid: Ediciones Akal, 1994.

Secondary Works

Fletcher, Richard. St. James’s Catapult: The Life and Times of Diego Gelmírez of Santiago de Compostela. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984.

Portela Silva, Ermelindo. “Diego de Gelmírez.” Real Academia de la Historia.

Liber Sancti Jacobi

December 9, 2019January 19, 2024amelia.kennedy

About the Text

Written in the twelfth century, the Liber Sancti Jacobi (Book of St. James) compiles information, advice, sermons, miracle stories, and more that would be of interest to a pilgrim on the Camino de Santiago. It is divided into five parts:

Book 1: The Sermons and Liturgy of Saint James: This lengthy book includes multiple sermons, accounts of the martyrdom of St. James, and liturgical texts.
Book 2: The Miracles of St. James: This book contains accounts of miracles that were attributed to St. James. Many of these miracles concern pilgrims.
Book 3: The Translatio of St. James: This relatively short book narrates the translation of St. James’ body from Jerusalem, where he died, to his final resting place in Galicia. It also mentions pilgrims collecting shells from the Galician coast.
Book 4: The Chronicle of Pseudo-Turpin: Written by an unknown twelfth-century writer, this chronicle was attributed to Archbishop Turpin of Reims. It describes Charlemagne’s arrival in Spain, the death of Roland, and St. James’ appearance to Charlemagne in a dream.
Book 5: Pilgrim’s Guide to Santiago de Compostela: Arguably one of the earliest tourist guides, this book tells pilgrims what to expect along the Camino, recommends places to visit, and warns against common problems.

The most famous manuscript containing the Liber Sancti Jacobi is the Codex Calixtinus.

English Translations of the Text

Gerson, Paula, Alison Stones, Jeanne Krochalis, and Annie Shaver-Crandell, ed. and trans. The Pilgrim’s Guide to Santiago de Compostela: A Critical Edition. 2 vols. London: Harvey Miller, 1998.

Italica Press’s Compostela Project, underway since 1993, has published English translations of Books 1-5. The sermon Veneranda Dies (which is in the first book of the Liber) has been translated and is included with the materials for Book 2.

There is also an English translation of Book 5 (“Pilgrim’s Guide”) available online.

Gesta Berengarii (Deeds of Berengar)

November 20, 2019January 19, 2024amelia.kennedy

About the Text

The Gesta Berengarii is an anonymous account of Berengar of Landorra’s actions during the revolt of the townspeople of Santiago de Compostela. He was archbishop of Compostela from 1317 until 1330; the rebellion occurred from 1318 to 1320, in the wake of his appointment as archbishop.

The text begins with a brief biographical sketch, outlining Berengar’s family antecedents, youth, education, career advancement, and appointment as the Master of the Dominican Order in 1312. Five years later, Pope John XXII informed Berengar of his new appointment as the Archbishop of Santiago de Compostela, a post he was reluctant to take. “Agreeing unwillingly and under compulsion,” as the Gesta informs us, Berengar set out for Spain.

Upon arrival, Berengar met with the various political leaders of Castile, including the young king Alfonso XI and his tutors: his grandmother María de Molina, his grand-uncle Infante Juan, and his uncle Infante Pedro (“Infante” is a Spanish title roughly meaning “Prince,” denoting someone of royal lineage).

Translation: Excerpts from the Gesta Berengarii

He [Berengar] finished this [i.e. speaking with the Infantes Juan and Pedro about an imminent campaign in Granada], and was honored greatly and lavished upon by the Infantes and tutors, especially Don Juan. With his apostolic authority, he had granted dispensation to Don Juan and his consort Dona Maria, as well as to their son Don Juan and his consort Dona Isabel, for their illicitly contracted marriages. He obtained from the aforesaid tutors [Juan and Pedro] letters which he had requested regarding matters touching on his church and especially regarding the lordship of the city of Compostela, which King Fernando, in the time of his predecessors, had judged with a definitive sentence to pertain exclusively to the aforesaid church and archbishop. He then left Zamora, although still sick, towards Galicia and Compostela, his city, and set out on a direct route. He arrived at Melide, a place of his church, which is one day’s journey from Compostela, on the day of St. Martin. He was not yet restored to full health, and he delayed for some days.

In this place, the Infante Felipe came out to meet him with his consort Margarita, promising much in words but doing little in deeds, as the course of events would later demonstrate. With the help and aid of the unfaithful vassals of the church, Alfonso Suárez and the aforesaid Felipe, at that time mayordomo, the citizens of Compostela, imbued with an evil spirit against the church and the archbishop, (and who later would be made contrite by virtue of God and the apostle James), “reared their horns” [Ps. 75:4], completely denying the lordship of the town of St. James to the archbishop and the church.

This traitor Alfonso had the church of St. James under his custody along with its alcazar and the castles of Rocha Forte, Rocha de Padrón, the Torres do Oeste, and Xallas with the promise that he would return them to the archbishop upon arrival. In Melide he returned the aforesaid castles but refused to return the church with the fortress, despite being obligated by a sworn oath.

Description of the following sections: When Berengar arrived in Santiago, he was barred access to the city by its inhabitants. He tried to make deals with Infante Felipe and the townspeople but was unsuccessful, so he excommunicated everybody. When that also did not work, he besieged the town. Berengar eventually gave up on his siege. The townspeople, Alfonso Suárez de Deza, and Infante Felipe offered a deal, which turned out to be a trap:

Various deceitful agreements were made and confirmed by sworn statements and oaths that Alfonso would restore to him the church with its fortress and that the citizens would surrender the gate called la Pena to one of his vassals, through which his people would be able to enter and exit and bring in supplies and weapons as they wished. The man of God, not fully realizing the wickedness of their intention, entered the city and church [i.e. the cathedral of Santiago] with his people and troops on Sunday the 16^th of September as permitted by the aforesaid treaty under many other conditions not treated here. He was led by the Infante [Felipe] and Alfonso and received by the citizens with the appearance of reverence and honor.

But once he had entered, they wished to pile evil upon more evil, and they did not wish to hand over the gate to the vassal. Rather, they violated all the established treaties, closed the gates of the city, and totally denied supplies to him and his people. They besieged the pious father and his people in the church night and day and attacked them with various types of weapons. In this fighting many were wounded and even killed, and such was the lack of supplies that many were compelled to eat meat from their horses and other foods to which they were unaccustomed.

The man of God was not disturbed by this in any way, nor was he changed from his constant proposition. Although he could have avoided it, he never wished to accept agreements with negative consequences for himself or damaging to his church. He chose to expose himself and his men to death rather than to lead the church commissioned to him into anything detrimental to its honor.

Meanwhile, by the will of God and with the help of the virtue of his apostle wishing to offer his hand to his minister, he [Berengar] agreed to a reasonable enough treaty with the Infante [Felipe], Alfonso [Suárez de Deza], and the citizens on the 27^th of September (the 12^thday of his siege). Since the weather was intemperate, he left the church after the sun had set and, tired and aggrieved, he arrived at the castle of Rocha Forte at a late hour. Then he went to the Rocha de Padrón and remained there for a few days. Then, he betook himself to his town of Noia, resting there and celebrating the first clerical council that he held. At this council, he deprived all clergy both in and outside of the city and also Alfonso and other knights who had obtained rents or benefices from the church. He deprived the adherents of Alfonso and the citizens, public or hidden, of rents and benefices and publicized the deprivations at the synod. He had already dispossessed them before at Bonaval, the convent of the Friars Preacher, while he was there during the aforementioned siege of the city.

Description of the following sections: Berengar received an invitation to visit María de Molina, so he left Galicia. She convinced Infante Felipe to stop supporting the rebellious townspeople of Compostela and to agree to episcopal lordship over the town. Berengar returned to Santiago de Compostela. He, Alfonso Suárez de Deza, and the townspeople agreed on a new deal, which would hand over the town to Berengar. But before the deal became official, the townspeople and Alfonso traveled to the castle of Rocha Forte and tried to add more stipulations to the deal. They were still at the castle when the truce expired:

But the next day, the day on which they were supposed to hand over the town, the truce between the archbishop and the citizens was going to expire unless they turned over the town. The said traitor [Alfonso Suárez de Deza] made his way towards Nendos but, in order to cover up his malice, he went to the pious father at Rocha Forte before he took the road. The holy man was in the chapel of St. Euphemia with his chapter and some of his vassals, having said the mass which he was accustomed to say with great devotion and copious tears. Then the said traitor arrived with many of the council and added many new terms to those which were agreed upon and promised on the previous day, just as he had often done in all the agreements and pacts which had been made between them in the past.

When the man of God heard this, he was very amazed and surprised and said, “As far as I can see, there will never be an end to these types of treaties as long as they are continually changed, despite having been spoken and promised by you yourselves. For yesterday, at a late hour, everything which we asked for was conceded, under a promise and a pact. And unless you fulfill those things which you promised today, the truce which was made between you and us will expire. And since you will neither have completed any of them nor, as seems obvious, do you intend to complete any of them, you will have come here outside of the truce. Leave from this chapel, and I will deliberate with my chapter and my vassals about your new demands.”

When he heard this, a certain knight who was his mayordomo followed [Alfonso] out of the chapel. When he heard and was completely certain that the truce that had been made was expired at that time, and knowing that his father and lord [Berengar] would in no way profit from treaties of this sort, but rather that he was being strung along by the diabolical traitor by vain and utterly false promises and words lacking any fruit at all, he ordered (with the man of God totally ignorant) the gates of the castle to be shut firmly and guarded diligently. He called all the shield-bearers and other men of the household who knew how to use arms, along with those from the field who lived in exile outside the town of St. James and all, both clerical and lay, who had served the aforementioned man of God loyally in the said war and other situations, and those whom the profane man had exiled or caused the deaths of their friends and families. He ordered them to arm themselves quickly and fortify themselves so that the outcome which the aforesaid father and lord could not achieve by smooth words and treaties beneficial only for the said citizens and the traitor, he would be able to obtain with blades, swords, and manly deeds.

Why should I delay more? God neither permitted nor wished him to tolerate the betrayals and malicious acts of the wicked men and vile traitors any longer, and he wished the man of God to obtain rest after many labors tolerated with patience on behalf of the defense of the rights and liberties of his much afflicted and troubled church. For his most virtuous patron the apostle James presented his many fervent prayers, frequent groans, and internal sighs before his golden altar. He also wished for the basilica of the most holy apostle, so long separated and deprived of its spouse and the owed service and office of its minsters, to be released from the excrement of these mockeries imposed by the minister of Satan.

Therefore when the aforesaid men were armed and with the virtue of the blessed apostle directing them in all things, divine justice and revenge fell upon the aforementioned minister of Satan, the traitor Alfonso, and his accomplices.

The end of the story: With their leaders dead, the townspeople at last agreed to a truce. Berengar took control of Santiago de Compostela. He built a tower to fortify the cathedral.

References

Fourteenth-century manuscript containing the Gesta Berengarii, GREDOS (Gestión del Repositorio Documental de la Universidad de Salamanca), Ms. 2658.

Díaz y Díaz, Manuel, et al., ed. and trans. Hechos de Don Berenguel de Landoria, arzobispo de Santiago [Gesta Berengarii]. Santiago de Compostela: University of Santiago de Compostela, 1983. Latin edition with facing translation in Castilian.